Col. John C. Starkweather

Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell

By October 1862 the Army of the Ohio was the only major Federal command that had never fought a pitched battle on its own. Its main contribution to the war effort was at Shiloh which the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania had no part. The regiment as well as 28th Brigade now under John Starkweather had developed a particular chip on its shoulder for just that reason. Other than its action in front of Chattanooga, the Seventy-ninth's service to the cause had been relegated to rear guard action. It chaffed at the notion that it had yet to prove its mettle in battle. Hopes ran high the previous summer, as it seemed their columns were in position possibly to turn the tide of the war. But that honor was not to become a reality. Instead of achieving the laurels of victory at Chattanooga the past summer, Buell's army was back where it started, in Louisville by fall. Upon reaching the city, a private in the Sixty-fifth Ohio penned their collective sentiments: Not often has the sun looked down upon such a ragged, forlorn and seedy gathering of tramps. During the last few days men marched barefoot or with feet wrapped in rags to protect them from stones. A more dirty and ragged crowd of tourists the city had never seen. ...The troops were disgusted and discouraged. They were in Louisville, the same place they had started from nine months ago. Private Adam Johnston of the Seventy-ninth laconically noted a similar sentiment in his diary: Sept. 26. Left Nolin camp and marched to Louisville, Ky., on the morning of the 27th, and encamped in town for three days to rest and recruit and get four months pay, and draw clothing, making a march of 31 miles. Being the second time we encamped in Louisville. The army was demoralized and on the defensive. The grumbling of the common soldier laid the blame of the failed campaign directly on the doorstep of their commanding general. But grumbling soon gave way to activity as the army refitted and prepared for a new, hopefully more successful campaign. One interesting side note occurred during the stay in Louisville on September 29 as documented by Private William Clark: Gen. (Jefferson C.) Davis shot Maj. Gen. (Bull) Nelson at the Galt House. Nelson and Davis had some difficulty & Nelson slapped Davis in the face & went out of the room when Davis Procurred a Pistol from a friend & walking up to Nelson told him to defend himself & then shot him on the spot. He lived 4 or 5 minutes. General Nelson had led the Union forces, including the Seventy-ninth, against Nathan Bedford Forrest at Murfreesboro during Buell's failed Chattanooga campaign. Davis, who was never charged for this killing, later led the Fourteenth Corps including the Seventy-ninth at Jonesboro in the Atlanta campaign.

The route of the Seventy-ninth from Louisville to Perryville. (Click to Enlarge)

The army's stay in Louisville was a welcome, well earned but short-lived rest. On September 30 Don Carlos Buell, on the insistence from Washington, finally planned a move against the Confederates who were then at Bardstown, Kentucky. Buell's movement to action began on October 1 when Buell's I Corps under General Alexander McCook moved out on the Bardstown Road, turned down the Taylorsville Road and headed for a showdown. The Seventy-ninth left Louisville that day and marched to South Fork, a distance of 20 miles. Private Clark noted, "Reveille at 4 o'clock & orders to march at 6 with three days rations in our haversacks." McCook's divided corps advanced 12 miles toward Bardstown the first day with minor opposition from Confederate cavalry. The Seventy-ninth reached Taylorsville on the 2nd and camped in a "drenching downpour". There they were formed in line of battle but were reformed into a column in short order with marching orders back to Taylorsville. Private Clark noted, "At 9 o'clock (on the 3rd) we fell in & marched one mile toward Bloomfield formed line of battle & laid down behind our arms." The Seventy-ninth reunited with 28th Brigade near Bloomfield, passed through the town and arrived in Mackville on the 4th. The Pennsylvania regiment was deployed at Bloomfield, stopping one mile shy of the town on this day. The Rebel army, which had since moved from Bardstown to counter Buell, was now in view among the rolling Chaplin Hills outside the town of Perryville. Private Davis indicated that the regiment was advanced through Bloomfield on the 6th and then down the Harrodsburg Pike to the village of Willisburg, where they "filed left, kept the pike until we came to Maxville (Mackville), a fine little town" on the 7th. "Here we filed right toward Springfield, 9 miles distant." The marching was complete; all that was left was to await further developments. Starkweather's men spent the night in familiar fashion, guarding the supply train and wondering aloud if they would again miss out on the action. Their patience would be sorely tested as the next day's events would attest. Once in Mackville, General Alexander McCook was under orders not to bring on a general engagement. General Buell meant to assault the enemy with his other two corps from his right while I Corps was to hold his left during the main action. With that plan in mind, the Army of the Ohio set off for the Confederate Army of the Mississippi. McCook's I Corps lead the way reaching Mackville "footsore and hungry" on the 7th. Buell arrived that same day and set about finishing his plans for his attack for the 9th. As it turned out his plans would go for naught.

The Perryville Battlefield October 8, 1862 (Click to Enlarge)

The Battle of Perryville opened on October 8, 1862. In Mackville, McCook's I Corps was woken by reveille, breakfast was quickly eaten and assembly was sounded by 5 a.m. As one Federal noted, "the great army was stripping for a fight. Everything indicated unusual activity today, the anxiety depicted upon every face warns me of the coming strife." By 7 a.m. the Union army was moving toward Perryville. The Seventy-ninth received a short reprieve from the “coming strife” as Starkweather's brigade was delayed in their march when the colonel tried to take advantage of a halt by drawing extra rations for his men. Unfortunately this action took longer than expected with the consequence of creating a bottleneck along the road. The effect of which then delayed Tenth Division, General James Jackson's men. Jackson, a gruff customer by peacetime standards, was infuriated by the delay. His reaction was to move his entire division ahead of Starkweather, effectively cutting off the 28th Brigade from the rest of Lovell Rousseau's division. It was not until early afternoon before Starkweather could correct his already compounded mistake. Regardless of these errors in command, the men of the Seventy-ninth tried to remain upbeat and optimistic. Private William Clark noted in his diary, “Wed., Oct. 8th. This morning we left at 7 o'clock. Firing is becoming more regular & with some infantry being engaged.” Private Johnston also noted: Oct. 8. Left camp in the morning, the colonel (Hambright) telling us, “Boys, you have longed to meet the enemy on the battle-field, and you will have a chance to-day, or do without water, as the enemy holds the spring that we will have to encamp at.” The shout went up from every son of Uncle Sam's family, ...A fight and water we will have. McCook's lead elements advanced within three miles of Perryville halting west of the Benton Road around 9 a.m. Cannonading from the front signaled the coming of battle. At 9:45 Rousseau's division advanced to the Russell house to reconnoiter the field. Starkweather's brigade, including the Seventy-ninth still lagged behind. Rousseau reported that the enemy was in retreat into Perryville, but nothing could have been further from the truth. It was 11:00 by the time Rousseau had his division up, minus Starkweather. The 28th Brigade had advanced as far as Doctor's Creek by noon to replenish their canteens. There they saw the first signs of a Confederate movement upon the Union positions. Skirmishers from both sides were firing on each other with the Federals falling back to their main lines. Confederate Private Sam Watkins of the First Tennessee noted these hostilities: About 12:00, while we were marching through a cornfield, they opened their wardogs upon us. The beginning of the end had come. The battle now opened in earnest, and from one end of the line to the other seemed to be a solid sheet of blazing smoke and fire. Private Clark also noted that “about noon we came near the scene of action, stacked arms and rested. The battle is raging in front of us”. Both accounts are not quite accurate, as the fighting at this point was just a skirmish; a prelude to the events that would consume the rest of that day. By 12:30 the sporadic artillery duel and water skirmishes constituted all the battle that anyone had yet to see that day. Lovell Rousseau's Third Division was not yet fully formed as Starkweather and the Pennsylvanians of the Seventy-ninth were still on the Benton Road. The situation was beginning to test the division commander's nerves as he became more apprehensive about being embroiled in a general engagement at less than full strength. Sensing that time was not on his side, Rousseau ordered an aide to find Starkweather so that he might bring up his brigade and bolster the extreme left of the Union line. Upon receiving the orders, Starkweather marched on the double quick as the cannonading again ceased. Although he could not have known it, Lovell Rousseau's fear was closer to reality than the unfounded confidence of his superiors. Alexander McCook soon proved this assessment to be accurate. Thinking that the just ended artillery display was merely a feint to get him to show his forces, McCook casually ordered more skirmishers forward to fill canteens at the Chaplin River. These men went forward to a prominence in the river known as Walker's Bend. It was now 1 p.m. 28th Brigade was just coming up to form in Rousseau's line. Having heard the sounds of artillery to his front, Starkweather had diverted his brigade along a ridge astride the Benton Road to avoid further entanglements and delays. As the reunited 28th came up, the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania was out in front with the Twenty-fourth Illinois and the First Wisconsin aligned to their right and left respectively. After surveying this placement, Rousseau ordered Starkweather to forward his brigade to another ridge 300 yards to their front at a bend in the Benton Road where the road headed southeast. This ridge, a rise of about 35 feet from its base, overlooked a cornfield to the left. The knoll, known alternately as Parson's Hill or Open Knob, lay to the front of the cornfield. A thinly wooded rise known as Starkweather's Hill lay in the crook of the bend in Benton Road. Starkweather's brigade thus occupied the positions which anchored the left flank of McCook's Corps and also of Buell's entire army. Because of their position, 28th Brigade was to take part in the heaviest action in this fight. It was nearly 1:30 p.m. when the Seventy-ninth was in position. Private Clark noted it. "We were called into line, advanced in line of battle until we came near the enemy. There we laid down." At this time the detachments sent out by McCook were still at the river edge at Walker's Bend filling canteens. Unexpectedly, a line of Rebel skirmishers appeared to their front advancing on the double quick. The sight of these skirmishers sent the forward Union line back to Parson's position. However, the main Rebel body remained hidden beneath a bluff at the river completely undetected. Rebel cavalry followed up on the advancing skirmishers. Captain Parsons opened his battery from the hill that bears his name to chase them away. McCook who was still unaware of the impending assault ordered the batteries to be silenced. The Confederate cavalry, trying to develop the Union lines by probing for a weakness, retreated back to their original position. The battle had not yet fully opened by 1:30, but the Union brass still remained in the dark as to Confederate intentions.

The Perryville Battlefield as seen from the crest of Starkweather's Hill. Parson's Hill is just beyond the copse of trees on the left. The Seventy-ninth's position is just beyond the copse of trees to the right. (Click to Enlarge)

To show his indifference to the Confederate “demonstration”, General McCook ordered out a new line of skirmishers to retrieve the sorely needed water when the battery fire came to an end. However, by 2:00 p.m. Confederate General Benjamin Franklin Cheatham's division was moving forward, General Daniel Donelson's brigade in the lead. Their skirmishers opened on the Federals who stood briefly at the river but then broke and headed back to Parsons' line. Up on Open Knob the Federal gunners heard sounds of musketry that was too intense for a skirmish 300 yards to their front. Within moments they could see Donelson's lead elements move up and over the rise that concealed their numbers and the Federals scurrying back to their lines. Parsons' battery opened up again and, with Rousseau's 28th and 9th Brigades chipping in, stalled their advance. By 2:30 Donelson's advance came to a complete stop. Cheatham then brought up a second of his brigades under General George Maney. The weight of these combined elements proved too much for the hill defenders. As Parson's position was thus being enveloped, his supporting infantry broke and fled to the rear. Parsons remained; double-shotting canister until too many gunners lay dead or wounded to continue the fight. However, his stubborn defense gave McCook time to respond. By 3:00 p.m. Maney's men had crested Parsons' Hill, advanced down the east slope and headed for the cornfield. The Twenty-first Wisconsin were waiting there, crouching low in the corn and awaiting the first glimpse of the greybacks. Their wait was a short one, their resistance shorter still. Another forward regiment, the Twenty-fourth Illinois, was also breaking ranks on the right of the Seventy-ninth fled towards Starkweather's Hill and the ridge occupied by the Pennsylvanians.

The cornfield where the Twenty-first Wisconsin was positioned as viewed from the crest of Parson's Hill. Starkweather's Hill is in the background. [Click to Enlarge]   The ridge held by the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania. [Click to Enlarge]

 

The fight was now moving to the front of Colonel Hambright's men. One veteran of the Seventy-ninth noted it in this way: ...our brigade passed at a double-quick up the steep slope of a Kentucky hillside to the support of a division of new troops who were breaking rapidly before the furious assaults of the best soldiers in the rebel army. Informal records of the Seventy-ninth's involvement vary with regard to time of their engagement. Captain John Druckemiller noted, “Entered the fight at 2:50 p.m. Regt. went in with 400.” Private Adam Johnston noted the time to be 2:15 p.m. As parts of the Twenty-fourth Illinois and most of the Twenty-first Wisconsin streamed past the Pennsylvanians, Maney's Confederates regrouped for another thrust directly into their front. “Up the hill came the rebels who made as gallant a charge as was ever met by brave men.” Their advance was checked by a storm of bullets from the Seventy-ninth as the two Union regiments streamed through their lines. Private Clark noted the scene. “We rose up. 2 Regt. in front of us just then broke and ran through our lines crying The Secesch are coming, run for your lives!” The Seventy-ninth now became the head of McCook's line. Two Rebel regiments pressed down on the Seventy-ninth's right flank threatening to roll it up. Fortunately the Ninety-fourth Ohio was moving forward to support Parsons' lost position. Their line of advance put them directly into line on the Seventy-ninth's right flank. This stroke of luck placed them with what was left of the Twenty-fourth Illinois who stood their ground. From their crest this combination poured “a most murderous and incessant fire” into the enemy and checked their advance. But the trouble soon shifted to the left of the line as the Federal position on Starkweather's Hill was breaking up. Colonel Starkweather ordered the Seventy-ninth to hold their position with remnants of the Twenty-fourth Illinois on their right and the First Wisconsin on their left so that the two Union batteries occupying the hill could safely withdraw. Private Clark continues: We pour volley after volley into the rebels as they lay in a ravine below us concealed by underbrush. Our men are falling fast. A Brigade of rebels advance to take Bush's Battery. They carry a black flag. The 1st Wis., and our Regt. poured it into them thick and fast & repulsed (them) 3 successive times. The black flag was taken at the time to mean no quarter, which no doubt stimulated those Union men who saw it to put forth greater efforts. The flag was in fact the Polk flag of the First Tennessee, or the Rock City Guard. It was that regiment that, while on their retreat through Nashville the previous summer, the Seventy-ninth had been accosted by the citizens of the town. The flag was subsequently captured by the First Wisconsin and now resides in the Wisconsin Veterans Museum in Madison. The Seventy-ninth, for their part, would also get a bit of restitution for their treatment by the citizens of Rock City. The battle of Perryville was now reaching its apogee. By this time the First Wisconsin and the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania were left to contend with the Rebel assault as the Twenty-fourth Illinois was in no condition to remain in the field. The Rebel line was bolstered by the Thirty-third Tennessee in another attempt to push the Federals from he field. A soldier in the Thirty-third noted that, “every inch of ground was strongly contested. Occasionally one of his sudden rallies would send us back, and then we would rally and regain more than we lost. It was now 4:00 and General McCook's Corps was perilously close to being overrun. Fearing the worst, McCook sent a call for reinforcements from Crittenden's II Corps to Buell. However the commanding general considered McCook's summation of his situation to be overblown. Buell who was dining in the rear could not hear the full fury of the battle due to a phenomenon then known as an acoustic shadow. After an hour and a half, Buell finally set about to investigate the situation on his left. He felt he had other pressing matters to attend to, specifically the formulation of his plans for his own assault set for the next day, an assault that was never to occur. He therefore placed III Corps commander, Charles Gilbert in charge of investigating McCook's request. For the meantime McCook was left to his own devices. So were the remnants of Starkweather's brigade including the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania. Private E. K. Martin noted: By four o'clock, when the battle was thickest, the odds were fearful. “There they come again!” and filing out of the edge of the woods was the long even line of the enemy once more. All that afternoon's slaughter seemed only to have augmented their numbers. One, two, three lines of battle, fresh men every time, with the precision of a parade they came; in their front rank rode a general on a white horse, conspicuous for his gallantry; around him were clustered a numerous staff; the rebel ensign floated haughtily above. Our columns shattered, our ammunition almost gone, our companions bleeding about us; but the thinned and wasted ranks closed up yet once more, and with bated breath waited the word of command. In the awful silence of that moment you could hear the cannoneers, away on our left, drive their canister home. A moment the oppressive stillness lasted. Then the fires of death were lighted, the earth trembled with the shock of artillery and the vollied thunders of the musketry as they poured their leaden hail into that “valley of the shadow of death.” “Pale horse” and rider and flag went down together; yet their column, with firm step, and leveled pieces, surged on. Our cartridge boxes were empty, so we borrowed from the dead; our rifles heated with the incessant firing that we could not clutch the barrel with our hands; shrouded by smoke, deafened by the rattle of musketry, our throats parched and husky.

Perryville, 4:15 p.m. The Confederate tide rolls in. The Seventy-ninth's position is marked in red. (Click to Enlarge)

The fighting along Starkweather's tattered front see-sawed back and forth now for over two hours. By this time 28th Brigade was giving ground. An enfilading battery fire forced the Seventy-ninth north of the Benton Road and some 600 yards back from their initial position. By 4:20 the forward of Starkweather's line had been bolstered by the Fiftieth and Eightieth Ohio. That advantage shifted rapidly with a single bullet. Colonel George Webster of the 34th Brigade commanding the Fiftieth, Eightieth and Ninety-fourth Ohio lay dead. All resistance from his brigade ceased with his death. Their right flank now exposed, the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania and First Wisconsin could remain in line only for a brief period. As ammunition ran out, the regiment broke apart company by company and made for the rear. The Fifth Tennessee was the first to claim the ridge held since noon by the Seventy-ninth. There the Confederates reformed their lines to pursue the retreating Lancasterians. Canister fire from the Union line broke them up as they pushed off in pursuit. The Fifth Tennessee fell back, regrouped and went up the ridge again. Those companies of the Seventy-ninth that could remain on the field recaptured the ridge and opened up a galling fire on the Tennesseans. Their comrades, the First Tennessee now pressed down upon the Union part of the line held by the First Wisconsin. The Tennesseans again pressed on to their obtain their objective, the batteries of 28th Brigade manned by Captains Asahel Bush and David Stone. Once again, the First Tennessee lead the charge. Not only were they subjected to a murderous fire to their front from two batteries, their position exposed their left flank to the Lancasterians on the ridge. The Seventy-ninth opened an enfilading fire on the Rebels and checked their advance. The First Wisconsin charged forward and hit the First Tennessee head on in “one of the bloodiest and fiercest contests of the war for the numbers engaged.” The ensuing combat was hand-to-hand, the Confederates reaching the batteries by bayonet point. The First Tennessee gave ground but returned to the advance once again, this time supported by the Fifth Tennessee. Stone's Battery again opened fire to slow their advance, but the Sixth and Ninth Tennessee were not far behind their comrades. The time was now 4:30. The Seventy-ninth was already breaking up under the loss of men and the lack of ammunition. For the Battle of Perryville, this was to be their last “huzzah”. Those men who still remained of the Twenty-first Wisconsin were impressed into battery livery to remove Stone's and Bush's guns to the rear. When these guns were secure, the Seventy-ninth took their final positions in this fight. As it turned out it was a naturally strong one. Sitting atop “the steepest slope encountered (by the Rebels) all day” the Pennsylvanians hunkered down behind a stone wall where they aligned with what was left of the 28th to await the next Confederate onslaught. Three times the Rebels charged that position and three times they were beaten back. Failing to breach the Union line, the Rebels fell back to safety. As Ken Noe stated, “The high-water mark of the Confederacy in the Western theater had been reached.” The Battle of Perryville reached its climax by 5:00 on Starkweather's position. At this time, in a vain attempt to speed the earth's rotation and bring an end to the carnage, General Rousseau was heard to exclaim, “In God's name, will that sun never go down!” What Rousseau did not know was that help was on the way if only in a more secular form. The Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania had by this time begun to dwindle in numbers because of attrition and lack of ammunition. Captain Druckemiller noted that his section of the Seventy-ninth had already left the field; “(We) maintained our position until 5 p.m. when we retired by orders. Loss of Regt. killed and wounded 263, Co. B. 32. We were again placed in line of support of Bush's Battery.” Bush's men had also abandoned their battery and fell back. Maney's men pushed after them. It was now 5:15. Both Union and Confederate brigades were nearly spent of both men and ammunition. By 5:30 elements of General Crittenden's II Corps had finally reached the field as an alternative answer to Lovell Rousseau's prayer for divine intervention. The Rebels continued their push but darkness and attrition finally called a halt to the proceedings at 7:30. The Seventy-ninth was now reformed at Wilson's Creek where they laid down in line of battle in case the enemy should renew hostilities in the morning. E. K. Martin continues: We were badly shaken when night brought its double succor. There had been four assaults in three hours, each deadlier than the first, and the final onslaught in the gathering twilight seemed a wrestling of demons. When we went on that fatal hill it was noon; when we left it was night. So absorbing was the work of destruction that it seemed but the interval of a moment since that sun had swept from meridian to horizon. Every man was rooted to the ground. Their dead lay in ranks as if on parade. It is estimated that three thousand rebels swarmed around that citadel of death on that final charge. A Confederate colonel recorded a fitting epilogue to the events of that day. “Gradually the fire slackened, the moon rose higher and lit up the ghastly faces of the dead. Over all was the stillness of death. The battle was over and both armies were laying on their arms.” For the Federals, Private Clark penned these closing sentiments: Such sights I hope in the providence of an all-wise God I may never be permitted to see as I have seen since the battle. May God and his goodness soon bring this unholy rebellion to a close & men see the error of their ways. The Confederate assault was not resumed until next daylight. Braxton Bragg felt his losses of men and momentum would not merit much in a sustained attack. In fact it was all he had to do to withdraw in the face of a possible Union counterattack. Buell, shaken by the unexpected potential of resounding defeat, felt he was in no condition to follow up the retreating enemy. The Battle of Perryville was officially a Union victory. In reality it was nearly a Union disaster. The Confederates held both the elements of surprise and momentum to defeat McCook's I Corps if not the entire Army of the Ohio. Only a stubborn defense by Starkweather's men; including the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania Volunteers, kept the Rebel assault from rolling up McCook's and ultimately Buell's left. Official reports put the losses of the Seventy-ninth at 189 men at Perryville; 40 killed, 146 wounded and 8 missing or captured. The Official Records put the losses at 216 casualties; 40 killed, 146 wounded and 30 missing. Regarding the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania, Private Johnston noted that, …in one hour and three-quarters we lost two hundred and eleven men. I myself was unfortunate enough to be shot through the left leg, about two inches below the knee. Our company of the regiment went into the fight with 43 men and came out with 18. Soldiers were going to the rear with all forms of horrible wounds. One man of the regiment had been shot through the left leg just below the knee. The bullet had glanced off the bone and passed clear through the back side. Only four other regiments lost as many men. Of those, the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania and the First Wisconsin were the two regiments that held the center of McCook's line where the fighting was heaviest. Buell's failure to recognize his enemy's intent for a sustained assault almost cost him his army. But his failure did not detract from the valor of the men who stood in its defense. The Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania received many commendations and the thanks of its nation for their valor at Perryville. Of these, there are two that stand out. The first came from General Rousseau who stated: I had great confidence in these two Regiments (the First Wisconsin and the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania) and was not disappointed. They drove the enemy back many times with great loss, and when their ammunition was exhausted bravely maintained their positions. God Bless you, Col. Hambright, and my brave Pennsylvanians! The other was from the regiment's commander Colonel Hambright who stated: All honor to the 79th! They stood like iron men and saved the day! General Rousseau christened them the “Bloody Seventy-ninth.” The bravery and heroism were unparalleled. The standard of the 79th was shot down six times, and as often was reared aloft, and when forced from the field the Colonel carried it off. Another honor may have been inadvertently bestowed upon the men of the Seventy-ninth who were blessed with a long memory at the expense of the citizens of Nashville. The prognostication of those citizens back in March was tested with lead but with the opposite effect of what they hoped for. The Rock City Guard had indeed met the Seventy-ninth upon their ridge at Perryville and as Confederate Private Sam Watkins noted, “our line was fairly hurled back by the leaden hail that was hurled into our faces.” Corporal Eicker also noted that “we had met the Rock City Guard on the 8th of Oct 1862 and they worrent so angsious to meet us again.” In honor of the regiment and the men, the city of Lancaster sent new heavy silk state and regimental flags with the inscription “presented by the citizens of Lancaster, for gallant conduct at Chaplin Hills, Kentucky, October. 8, 1862.” The Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania was a now battle hardened group of veterans. They had seen the elephant and had stood their ground.

The second set of state colors of the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania (Click to Enlarge)

After Perryville, the Confederate Army of Tennessee retreated into Middle Tennessee. Bragg's new objective after the loss of Kentucky was to defend the agriculturally rich Elk, Duck and Stones River valleys. The key to this position would be Murfreesboro, Tennessee where the Chattanooga-Nashville Pike and Railroad would provide the main route of a Federal invasion. General Don Carlos Buell's performance at Perryville and his failure to pursue Bragg brought about his replacement with General William S. Rosecrans on October 24, 1862. On this date the Department of the Cumberland was reconstituted to cover the state of Tennessee and all territories occupied by the Union armies east of the Tennessee river and such parts of Northern Alabama and Georgia that should fall into Union hands. Further, the designation of the Army was changed from the Army of the Ohio to the Army of the Cumberland, which was formerly known as the Fourteenth Corps. Rosecrans arrived in Bowling Green on the 30th and moved the army to Nashville on November 10. There he divided it into three wings: Right Wing under Alexander McCook, Center under George (Pap) Thomas and Left under Thomas Crittenden. The Army of the Ohio was redesignated as the Fourteenth Corps. Prior to this move the Seventy-ninth was detached to Mitchellesville to guard the Louisville and Nashville Railroad on November 9. The headquarters of the Seventy-ninth was at Camp McCloud, Tennessee, six miles south of Mitchellesville. The regiment was later recalled to Nashville by the second week in December. In December 1862, General Rosecrans had begun his plans for his movement south. One lesson he garnered from Buell's dimissal was that Washington would not tolerate any perceived lack of progress on his part. The Union Commander, Henry Halleck stated as such. The great objects to be kept in view in your operations in the field are: First, to drive the enemy from Kentucky and Middle Tennessee; second, to take and hold East Tennessee, cutting the line of railroad at Chattanooga… so as to destroy the connection of the valley of Virginia with Georgia. It is hoped that by prompt and rapid movements a considerable part of this may be accomplished before the roads become impassable from winter rain. The message was clear. Get to Chattanooga and get there fast. The Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania would go with him. In fact the Lancaster regiment would again see action under Rosecrans at Murfreesboro, Tullahoma and Chickamauga. In fact the most lasting tribute to these Pennsylvanians is a monument in their honor in the Chickamauga and Chattanooga Military park in Tennessee. But their accomplishments would not end there. In the Atlanta campaign, the Lancaterians added Resacca, Kenesaw Mountain, Marietta, Chattahoochie River, Peach Tree Creek, Jonesboro and Atlanta to their regimental colors. Further they added Savannah, Charleston, Averysboro, Bentonville and Raleigh on Sherman's famous March to the Sea. Of all these accomplishments, none compare to that which they earned at Perryville. Their gallant stand not only saved their precious brigade batteries but could be argued to have saved at least McCook's I Corps if not Buell's army. Had McCook been put out of commission it is probable that Bragg would have been more reluctant to leave the field. In short, the fight for Kentucky would have been extended and Federal operations in the West would have been stalled. This outcome would have been a significant setback to the Union cause after the success and then inactivity in the East with Antietam. To suggest that any alteration in the events at Perryville would have changed the outcome of the war would be a stretch. But it could have had a noticeable impact on the duration. The favorable timing of the Fall of Atlanta with Lincoln's re-election just may have tipped the balance in the favor of the Democrats and McClellan who favored an end to hostilities by mutual separation. But this is all speculation. Suffice it to say that the outcome of war is written in the histories, never to be changed by the whims of revision. And to that history, a rightful claim is laid to the honor and bravery of the men of the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania for their role at Perryville. Bibliography: Adams, Paul Willi. The German-Americans, An Ethnic Experience; Max Kade German American Center, Purdue University, 1993. Bates, Samuel. History of the Pennsylvania Volunteers; Broadfoot Publishing Company, 1992 Davis, William G. and Janet B. William T. Clark Diaries 1861-1865 (Service with 79th Penna. Inftry. Regt.); Lancaster County Historical Society, Lancaster PA., Transcribed by William and Janet Davis, 1988-89. Data Version, 1999. Dyer, Fredrick. A Compendium of the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion Ellis, Franklin and Evans, Samuel. A History of Lancaster County; Everts and Peck, Philadelphia, 1986. Foote, Shelby. The Civil War : A Narrative, Volumes I , II & III; Vintage Books, New York, 1958. Hafendorfer, Kenneth A. Perryville : Battle for Kentucky; KH Press, Louisville, 1991. Heisey, M. Luther. The Gallant Seventy-Ninth Regiment; Journal of the Lancaster County Historical Society; Summer, 1962. Johnston, Adam S. The Soldier Boy's Diary Book or Memorandums of the Alphabetical First Lessons of Military Tactics; Pittsburgh, 1866. Kennedy, Frances H. Civil War Battlefield Guide; Houghton Mifflin Company, 1990. Martin, Edwin K. Oration : Delivered in Fulton Hall, Lancaster, PA., October 8, 1877; The New Era Steam Book and Job print, 1877. McPherson, James M. For Cause and Comrades : Why Men Fought in the Civil War; Oxford University Press, 1997. Noe, Kenneth. Perryville : This Grand Havoc of Battle; The University Press of Kentucky, 2001. Oliver, Philip. The Civil War CD-Rom : The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies; Guild Press of Indiana, Inc., 1996. Oliver, Philip. The Civil War CD-Rom : Atlas of the Official Records of the Civil War; Guild Press of Indiana, Inc., 1999. Prokopowicz, Gerald J. All for the Regiment : The Army of the Ohio, 1861 – 1862; The University of North Carolina Press, 2001. Wiley, Bell Irvin. The Life of Billy Yank : The Common Soldier of the Union; Louisiana State University Press, 1952. Williams, Harrison C. Regimental History of the 79th Pennsylvania Volunteers of the Civil War : The Lancaster County Regiment; Journal of the Lancaster County Historical Society; Volume 84, 1980. Journal of John H. Druckemiller. Private, 79th Pennsylvania Volunteer. Lancaster County Historical Society. Journal of John Eicker. Private, Co. F, 79th Pennsylvania Volunteer. Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks. Thanks to: Lancaster County Historical Society The Library of Congress The Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks The Mukwonago Community Library The National Archives and Record Administration Perryville Battlefield State Historic Site United States Department of the Interior Acknowledgments: Special thanks to Jeff Davis for my personal copy of the transcribed Clark diaries. Very special thanks to Dave Smith for his patience and graciousness in getting this document on the web. About the author: Geoffrey L. Blankenmeyer, a practicing Speech Pathologist, has been a Civil War enthusiast ever since the Ken Burns documentary, The Civil War. Although hailing from southeast Wisconsin, his family is transplanted there from the American hearthstone of his family heritage in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. His interest in the American war in the west stems specifically from his family connection to the Armies of the Ohio and the Cumberland. His seven year project of chronicling family history from their first generation German-American patron has produced a complete biography. It is also the source for two web publications; this one and another on the Pioneer Brigade of the Army of the Cumberland.   In memory of Martin and Richard C. Blankenmeyer, this work has been dedicated to Ian C. Blankenmeyer and his descendants.